Minst tre ultranasjonalistiske grupper har vært blant de mest hissige i Ukraina og stått bak stormingen av flere departement og regjeringskontorer. Gruppene har hamstret våpen og er forberedt på alle eventualiteter, hvis regimet til Janukovitsj skulle finne på noe dumt.
World.time.com har to interessante artikler om revolusjonens stormtropper som nå har meldt seg på i drakampen om landets fremtid. De frykter at de vil bli stående igjen på perrongen hvis forhandlingene fører frem.
Opposisjonslederne har ikke kontroll over disse gruppene, men må appellere til dem. Gruppene forstår at deres kampevne gjør dem verdifulle og vil gjerne høyne prisen for å være føyelige.
Time bruker ordet ultranasjonalister, men definerer ikke nærmere hva det vil si. Den ene gruppen sier den ikke vil ha utenlandsk innflytelse overhodet. I første rekke betyr det Russland.
Nå står en av lederne for gruppen, Pravy Sektor, frem. Dmitri Jarosj er lei av å spille annenfiolin. Han forstår at offentlighet er en billett til innflytelse.
Bildene fra Kiev minner om filmsettet fra en film om apokalypsen. Nedbrente områder, barrikader og bistre menn i mørke klær, med hjelmer og stokker. Dette er noe annet enn Orange-revolusjonen i 2004.
Pravy Sektor, betyr «høyre sektor», og er en sammenslutning av høyreradikale, ifølge Time. Den amerikanske ambassaden anser dem som uregjerlige og uansvarlige og en potensiell risiko.
Vil Pravy Sektor ha en fredelig løsning, eller håper de på konfrontasjon? Hva vil være en løsning de kan leve med?
In his interview with TIME, Yarosh, whose militant brand of nationalism rejects all foreign influence over Ukrainian affairs, revealed for the first time that Pravy Sektor has amassed a lethal arsenal of weapons. He declined to say exactly how many guns they have. “It is enough,” he says, “to defend all of Ukraine from the internal occupiers” — by which he means the ruling government — and to carry on the revolution if negotiations with that government break down.
Mange av Pravy Sektors menn er i fengsel. Jarosj vil ha dem fri. Han skulle gjerne hatt en plass ved forhandlingsbordet, men det nekter opposisjonsledere som Vitali Klitsjko. Hva gjør Jarosj? Innleder parallelle forhandlinger med Janukovitsj-regimet.
With that in mind, Yarosh and another militant faction began a parallel set of negotiations over the weekend. On Monday, they claimed to be in direct talks with Ukraine’s police forces to secure the release of jailed protesters, including members of Pravy Sektor. Mainstream opposition leaders said they had not authorized any such talks. At the same time, Yarosh has demanded a seat at the negotiating table with the President. Once again, he was flatly denied. His ideology, it seems, is just too toxic to let him in the room.
Samtidig er opposisjonslederne avhengige av «stormtroppene». Det er de som gjør den tøffe jobben ved barrikader og i kamper med politiet.
But neither can Klitschko and his fellow politicians easily sever their ties with Pravy Sektor. The group serves some of the uprising’s most essential functions. Its fighters control the barricades around the protest camp in the center of Ukraine’s capital, and when riot police have tried to tear it down, they have been on the front lines beating them back with clubs, rocks, Molotov cocktails and even a few catapults, in the mold of siege engines of the Middle Ages. Around the country, its fighters have helped seize government headquarters in more than a dozen cities. “Pravy Sektor has proved its loyalty to the ideals of freedom,” Yarosh says. “Now we needed to present this movement as a source of leadership.”
Jarosj er 42 år. Han har to barn. Da Sovjetunionen og imperiet begynte å falle sammen innenfra, våknet den ukrainske nasjonalismen, og Jarosj har vært aktivist hele livet. Han ble innkalt til Den røde hær, hvor han først var i Hviterussland, så Sibir. Da Ukraina erklærte seg selvstendig ba han om å få komme hjem.
In 1994, a few years after he was discharged and returned to Ukraine, he joined a right-wing organization called Trizub (Trident), and slowly climbed its ranks before assuming leadership in 2005. Along with several other far-right groups, Trizub formed the core of Pravy Sektor when the current uprising broke out in Ukraine two months ago. Its main adversary has always been Russia, although it also has little patience for Western influence on Ukraine. “For all the years of Ukraine’s independence, Russia has pursued a systematic, targeted policy of subjugation toward Ukraine,” Yarosh says. “So of course we will prepare for a conflict with them,” he adds, especially after Russia’s recent invasion of another one of its former satellites, Georgia. “If they stick their faces here like they did in Georgia in 2008, they’ll get it in the teeth.”
Spørsmålet er om Klitsjko og Jarosj vil det samme.
For the past two decades, he has been waiting and preparing for the start of the “national revolution,” and now that he finds himself at the head of its armed division, he does not seem ready to let it pass peacefully away, at least not on anyone else’s terms. “People have gotten in touch with us from around the country, saying, ‘Guys, don’t let us down. Take us to victory, to independence, if the other leaders are incapable of that,’” Yarosh says. “So if the time has come for an active struggle, I am ready to carry it to the end. I am not afraid of that responsibility. I see no reason to hide my face.”
En av de mest kampvillige gruppene har vært Spilna Sprava.
Calling themselves members of Spilna Sprava, or Common Cause, the group has emerged as one of about a dozen obscure organizations competing for distinction, if not outright leadership, in the uprising against President Viktor Yanukovych. These groups range from right-wing radicals and soccer hooligans to military veterans and mobs of stick-wielding goons. And to the gall of more-established opposition figures, like the world boxing champion Vitali Klitschko, they have become the revolution’s most commanding presence. Anyone with a stake in resolving Ukraine’s political crisis — including the diplomats watching fretfully from the E.U. and U.S. — will likely have to reckon with the role of these groups. But they are becoming increasingly hard to control.
Volden som Janukovitsj-regimet slapp løs på demonstrantene radikaliserte medlemmene av Spilna Sprava. De gikk på offensiven.
Its leader, Oleksandr Danylyuk, a clean-cut and eloquent lawyer, responded to the crackdown with a brazen strategy: seize as many government buildings as possible. “We are out to paralyze the work of this corrupt dictatorship,” he told me outside the captured ministry building just after midnight on Sunday. It was his third conquest in as many days. On Jan. 24, his fighters captured the Ministry of Agriculture — far from a dusty, bureaucratic post in a country whose grain harvests once made it the bread basket of the Soviet Union. The next day, Common Cause briefly seized the Energy Ministry, which oversees some of the most vital transport routes for Russian natural gas to Europe, but abandoned it after just a few hours.
The following night, the Justice Ministry became Danylyuk’s most symbolic trophy. Not only did it contain legal documents and sensitive case files going back years, but the woman in charge of it, Justice Minister Elena Lukash, is one of the most hated members of the cabinet. “We need justice in Ukraine, and we need peace in Ukraine,” Danylyuk said near the entryway. “And right now, unfortunately, our President is a threat for justice and for peace. That’s why there is only one way to stop the violence in Ukraine and to stop this very dangerous situation for Europe.” And what is that? “The immediate and unconditional capitulation of the state.”
Krav om «statens kapitulasjon» er et langt skritt mot nihilisme, og scenene som utspiller seg på gatene har et anarkistisk preg. Noen får smak på destruksjon og oppløsning.
Avstanden mellom de som utkjemper gateslag og lederne blir stor. Beskrivende er scenen da Klitsjko besøkte justisdepartementet.
When he arrived after midnight, a few ministry workers were still barricaded in their offices inside the building, whose entrance was guarded by a row of masked men brandishing clubs and bats. Flanked by two bodyguards, Klitschko took in the scene with a pained expression, and after refusing to speak to the press, he uttered only one phrase — “What have you done?” — to the activists of Common Cause before walking briskly back to his Range Rover. “Clown!” one of the activists shouted after him. “Stop posing for the cameras and start building the barricades!”
En annen militant gruppe er afgantsy, navnet på Afghanistan-veteraner. Måten de overtok en forlegning på, sier noe om hvem som er på offensiven. Det sier noe om kampvillighet og vilje til brutalitet. Janukovitsj speesialstyrker har kidnappet demonstranter og skamslått dem, og afghantsy står ikke tilbake for dem. Volden trappes opp på begge sider.
At den ukrainske revolusjonen har slike elementer har vært lite fremme til nå.
That includes more-militant groups like the Afgantsy, an informal network of veterans from the Soviet war in Afghanistan, who have emerged as one of the most authoritative in the uprising. Before dawn on Saturday, they helped seize another government building in Kiev, the Ukrainian House, a massive convention hall where a large detachment of government troops had been stationed. The storming of that building involved the use of Molotov cocktails and fireworks hurled inside. But thankfully, no lives were lost, as Klitschko managed to negotiate the surrender of the troops blockaded inside.
“The younger guys wanted to flood the floor with gasoline and burn [the troops] alive,” says one of the Afgantsy who participated in the siege, Oleksiy Tsibko. But after a standoff lasting hours, the protesters created a corridor to let the officers leave in peace. The building was then turned into another revolutionary bastion, complete with a canteen, sleeping rooms and a club house for the Afgantsy on the second floor. Sitting in the makeshift cafeteria in the basement, Tsibko told me that the Afgantsy are readying a lethal arsenal in case the uprising turns into a civil war. “The battle is already underway,” he says. “And if [police] fire so much as one live round into one of our guys, we have enough to respond in kind. Believe me, it won’t just be a couple of hundred who lay down dead when its over.”
Vladimir Putin er nok klar over revolusjonens harde kjerne. Hvis han presser Janukovitsj til å sende inn spesialstyrkene kan det bli meget stygt og utgangen er uviss.