Håndteringen av koronapandemien handler om mer enn folkehelse, sier mRNA-vaksinens oppfinner Robert Malone. Det vokser frem et globalt tyranni som er på linje med størsteparten av Vestens kapitalinteresser, mener Malone.

Den amerikanske virologens oppsiktsvekkende uttalelser er gitt i et nylig intervju med det kristne canadiske nettstedet LifeSiteNews, som publiserer nyheter særlig om kultur- og familiesaker.

I intervjuet, som er utført av Maike Hickson, snakker Malone innledningsvis om effektiviteten til koronatiltak som munnbind og lockdowns. Han erkjenner at munnbind har en liten smitteforebyggende virkning og at lockdowns kan forhindre overbelastning av helsevesenet, men ser også viktige ulemper med begge tiltak som kanskje er større enn fordelene.

Vi har ikke bare en virusepidemi, sier Malone, men også en epidemi av irrasjonell frykt og en epidemi av dårlig politikk, der myndigheter tror de kan tøyle epidemien med sosial ingeniørkunst som ender med å undergrave viktige friheter. Det samme vil skje i klimasaken, spår han.

Malone beveger seg ut i et enda større minefelt idet han ser pandemitiltakene i sammenheng med globale økonomiske krefter:

I’ve become convinced that we do have a situation that is essentially the growth and expansion of global tyranny, that is harmonized, that is managed, that is aligned across nation-states. And it appears to be aligned with the economic interests of a small cluster of investment funds that represents the bulk of global western capital.

Den amerikanske vitenskapsmannen sier seg enig i en analyse som den katolske erkebiskopen Carlo Maria Viganò offentliggjorde med en video i november, der han sier at et globalt økonomisk tyranni nå utøver stor makt over regjeringer, institusjoner, politikere, domstoler, medier og religiøse ledere.

For å motvirke denne makten behøves det en antiglobalistisk allianse, mener den italienske erkebiskopen.

Could you explain to us why you supported the statement from Archbishop Viganò?

So I’ve become convinced, as he has, that there’s something here that goes beyond just vaccines and public health, and I have not wanted to go there intellectually. And yet it is impossible to make sense out of what is transpiring in the world right now, just as an explanation of public health and vaccine policy, or antiviral policy. And I have become convinced that we’re in a situation in which we’re all having our rights eroded and that there is a larger force beyond this. I have colleagues who speak at length about evil. There is a growing sense by many people that there’s something fundamentally evil going on here.

Kapitalkreftene er nå blitt så sterke at de er mektigere enn nasjonalstater, konstaterer Malone, som mener vi ser fremveksten av en transnasjonalisme og ny verdensorden.

Dette er et resultat av samfunnsoppløsning, sier han:

And personally, I’ve become convinced that one of the fundamental problems that have resulted in this disassociation within our society is fragmentation of our society. The sense that things don’t make sense, that we are no longer connected, is that we have elected to use the language of economics to describe the human condition.

Mennesket er blitt redusert til en økonomisk aktør, og med det opphører begreper om godt og ondt, fortsetter Malone:

We, by our very language — language matters — by our very language we have reduced the human condition down to economic units, and that makes us all basically economic pawns in a process of growing wealth. We use that language. We’ve substituted the language of good and bad, and evil, and good works — in this kind of thinking — for the language of profit. And what I think I see is a growing world in which there is a large block of capital, which is decoupled from nation-states.

Før i tiden var kapitalen i større grad enn nå knyttet til stedene hvor den oppstod, men nå beveger seg kapitalen seg fritt, og dette skjer til en stor moralsk og menneskelig kostnad, analyserer han:

It used to be that the capital would stay connected to the geography and the people from whence it was derived, even if it was pooled in the top one percent, at least it was still linked to that nation-state. That’s no longer the case. The capital is decoupled, it will move wherever it wants to go, and it moves in response to one primary driver, which is return on investment. It has no moral compass, it has no moral component. It only responds to the opportunity to seek additional return on investment. And so we’re all reduced to economic units that can be exploited to generate more return on investment wherever that capital seeks to move.

Kapitalmakten bestemmer både over stater, medier, teknologiselskaper og den farmasøytiske industrien, sier Malone:

And the capital is now so large that it can dictate policy, economic policy and national policy in different nation-states. And that capital has acquired all of the main media, all of the Big Tech and all of the major vaccine and pharmaceutical companies. And it’s all acting globally in an integrated fashion.

Malone trekker en linje til fascismen for å kunne sette ord på fenomenet, men konstaterer at det dreier seg om noe annet, og han kaller en global totalitær ideologi:

So what do we call this? We have language for these things. And the language that we have chosen to use in the past to describe this fusion of the state and corporate interests, the word that we have chosen to describe that is fascism. But this is more than fascism because fascism is linked to a given nation-state. This is something bigger. This is something in which this fusion has occurred at a level that is decoupled from the nation-state. It is global. So when we talk about global totalitarianism, this is a descriptor. This isn’t just a political concept. This is trying to be technically precise in describing what’s being observed.

Han identifiserer et monster som ikke ønsker annet enn profitt:

What’s observed is that we now have a situation in which it’s not just a fusion of the interests of corporatists and the nation-state. It’s a fusion of corporatists and this large pool of transnational capital that roams around looking for a return on investment. And it will act in whatever ways it needs to act in order to improve that return on investment in an amoral sense because it has no intrinsic morality.

Her bør Den katolske kirken ta et moralsk standpunkt, håper Malone – ganske sikkert forgjeves under den sittende paven. Men Viganò var med på notene:

And this is why I supported the Archbishop because the Archbishop seems to also believe in these core concepts and uses extraordinarily strong language. I was very struck by the bravery of the Archbishop to speak so freely about these things. And also, I felt it a little bit validating that here’s somebody coming independently from a different discipline, in a different frame of reference, a different tradition, and yet had come to the same conclusions that I was coming to.

Monsterets overmakt er imidlertid stor. Tanker som utfordrer maktens, er ikke velkomne, og de motarbeides etter sensurkunstens mest raffinerte regler. Malone, Viganò og andre med lignende oppfatninger blir hele tiden forsøkt undergravd som moralske og intellektuelle skikkelser.

Under pandemien har et tema som vaksinene utløst en hypnotisk massepsykose, mener Malone. Selv når tidligere vedtatte sannheter viser seg ikke å være sanne, kan politikere bli sittende fast i dem, sier han:

And if it’s so obviously not based on science, what is driving that policy? There’s kind of two explanations that I’m comfortable with, well let’s say three.

One is that they’re just locked into a belief system, and they are so deep in it now that they can’t admit their failure and their flaws, and they feel like they just have to keep doing it.

Another one is [to do with] the economic or other external forces, which basically argues that the leadership in the European Union and throughout the West, including the United States, has been captured functionally by the economic interests of some financial entity, of which the pharmaceutical industry is a component.

I personally really like the argument of Mattias Desmet, which is this mass formation psychosis argument, that fundamentally a significant fraction of the population [has] been hypnotized. It’s not [something] that they are conscious of. So the ‘they’re so dug in that they can’t back out argument,’ is founded on the belief that they’re actually aware, that they’re not experiencing cognitive dissonance because they’re aware that they’ve made a mistake.

Desmets resonnement synes å forklare hvorfor mange reagerer så aggressivt på synspunkter som strider mot den dominerende fortellingen, konkluderer Malone.

Han lufter også tanken om at presset for å vaksinere seg, som han selv mener har nådd et forrykt nivå, handler om å kvitte seg med en kontrollgruppe som kan brukes til en realistisk evaluering av koronavaksinens fordeler og ulemper.

This is one of the arguments that’s made about why this insane push to universal vaccination is a way of covering your tracks if you happen to be a global biopharmaceutical company.

Problemet for folk er at lederne deres er blitt gale, sier Malone. Men det er begrenset hva den enkelte kan gjøre med det:

I believe that the only recourse now that most of us have, is this idea of building local community. I really believe that we’re now in a situation, and again, I’m very influenced by Mattias Desmet’s analysis. He’s of the opinion, it’s quite dark, that this period of global totalitarianism will sweep over us. It’s now gained enough momentum and enough buy-in from enough nation-states and political organizations, that it has a momentum of its own.

Vi vet ikke hvor lenge denne totalitære ideologien vil herje med oss, kanskje i flere tiår, men vi må holde ut, og til det trenger vi de lokale fellesskapene, sier Malone.

Problemet er at samfunnet er så usunt, mener han:

The underlying problem is the sickness in our society, and we all know it’s there. We can all feel it. We’re aware that there’s something fundamentally wrong. Until we give humans as a community, a sense of belonging and responsibility for each other, and break free of this idea that we’re just economic units and whoever dies with the most toys wins, and instead, we move to a space that is fundamentally a more spiritual space. It’s a space in which we acknowledge our interdependency with each other and our need for social connectivity. This is fundamental.

Vi befinner oss i en enorm strid, og den står om vår sjel, hevder Malone.

Hickson antyder at vi befinner oss i en ny fase av striden mellom Gud og Mammon:

And what really comes to me just in this whole conversation, when you speak about the economic powers today, when we talk in biblical terms, you know, our Lord always said, you cannot serve Mammon and God at the same time. So in a sense, you cannot in fighting Mammon, you shouldn’t adapt the methods of Mammon. You still should keep that ethical approach because finally, we stand before God and not before man.

«Dette er en fundamental sannhet som overskrider all teologi», svarer Malone. Visse etiske sannheter er grunnlaget for vår vestlige kultur, avslutter han.

* * *

Terrenget Malone og Viganò beveger seg i, er fullt av fallgruber, noe Malone synes klar over idet han sier at han vegret seg intellektuelt for å gå inn i det.

Når flengende kritikk rettes mot kapitalkrefter fra personer med mindre intellektuell ballast enn disse to, er veien også ofte kort til antijødiske konspirasjonsteorier og beslektet tankegods.

Det er uansett ikke til å komme forbi at maktkritikken Malone og Viganò fremfører, har mye for seg, og det er vanskelig å få øye på skumle trekk ved dem. Skumle er snarere de som karakterdreper enhver som fremfører lignende kritikk.

Man trenger naturligvis ikke være enig i alt, men det er uhyre interessante problemstillinger Malone og Viganò reiser. De er da heller ikke alene om å hevde at pengemakt svekker demokratiet. Det er også blitt hevdet av en tenker som Philip Kotler, som er en svoren tilhenger av kapitalismen, men likevel mener at både den og demokratiet trenger å reddes. Det begynner det å bli vanskelig å være uenig i.

 

 

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