In the balance

Hans Rustad

Nor­we­gian Broad­cas­ting, NRK, last night scre­ened a docu­men­tary featuring Anders Behring Breivik’s fat­her and step­fat­her. It was a reve­aling insight into Breivik’s back­ground and psyche.

The pro­gram seemed to reveal a boy who was men­tally woun­ded from a very early age.

His fat­her Jens Brei­vik left a fee­ble impres­sion, of some­one who “left”, of a fat­her who never became a fat­her. He obviously was still in denial about his lea­ving his son. At 15 there was a rup­ture between them, and when asked why he didn’t con­tact his son, he answe­red that he thought it was up to his son.

Agony is the word, Brei­vik senior was in agony.

He lives in France. He obviously had no idea what he was doing when he con­sented to be inter­viewed by NRK. Is it right for a huge insti­tu­tion to intrude upon a per­son that obviously is entang­led in per­so­nal guilt feelings, and expose him to the pub­lic at large?

The pro­gram left the impres­sion of some­one who fai­led, and still has not come to grips with it. One can under­stand why, after such a cata­strop­hic event.

Since Brei­vik senior does not live in Nor­way he is not able to gauge the impact of his words. That he was at a loss to under­stand his own role, and what hap­pe­ned to his son, was made clear.

His mot­her refu­sed to par­ti­ci­pate. She was left alone with the one year old Anders and his six year old sis­ter when Jens Brei­vik left, and she couldn’t cope. She tried to raise the alarm her­self, and seve­ral pro­fes­sio­nals tried to do the same. At one point they were pati­ents at the State cen­ter for child and juve­nile psychia­try in Oslo, living there for one month, to be observed. One doc­tor com­men­ted on the boy’s wit­hdrawn atti­tude towards stran­gers - and also his mot­her - with a con­t­stant smile on his face meant to deflect con­tact and at the same time acquiesce.

An inter­e­s­ting piece of family his­tory came to light: his grand­mot­her on the mater­nal side had suf­fe­red from para­noia, in the cli­ni­cal sense, i.e. had been delusional.

His step­fat­her for 12 years, a for­mer pilot, now living in Thai­land, looked back on his time with the boy: he nee­ded a fat­her, and wan­ted to succeed, but could not. The step­fat­her descri­bed Brei­vik as a rat­her effe­mi­nate cha­rac­ter, some­one who was pleas­ing, who wan­ted to be accepted.

The pic­ture that emer­ged seemed to cor­ro­bo­rate the judi­cial review’s con­clu­sion that Anders Behring Brei­vik suf­fers from para­noid schi­zoph­re­nia and is in juri­di­cal terms insane. He will face trial, but may not be condemned to pri­son, but com­pulsory ward.

This pro­fes­sio­nal review has eli­cited an outcry, and large parts of the media, and pro­fes­sio­nals - psycho­lo­gists, psychia­trists, com­men­ta­tors of all stri­pes, seemed to say: this dia­gno­sis will not stand.

Their argu­ments are often poli­ti­cal in nature: the two psychia­trists who did obser­vere Brei­vik eit­her does not know or care to know the views that are espou­sed on the inter­net, and that inspi­red and radi­ca­lized Breivik.

What they want is for this whole milieu to be put on the stand. They want the court case to be a poli­ti­cal review and judgment of the opi­nions that in their view have con­tri­buted to the deeds, and those opi­nions are very easy to prove: they are con­tai­ned in Breivik’s 1500 page manifesto.

Whilst Win­ston Churchill and John Stuart Mill would go scot-free, it is ques­tio­nable if a per­son like Ayaan Hirsi Ali would, and a host of others are alre­ady found guilty: Robert Spen­cer, Daniel Pipes, Pamela Gel­ler, Bruce Bawer, Lars Hede­gaard, and cer­tainly Fjord­man, alias Peder Jen­sen Nøs­tvedt. Sim­ply for dea­ling with the same topics - mul­ti­cul­tura­lism and islam - from a cri­ti­cal view­point, is enough to fall under the light of asper­sion, sus­pi­cion, of being morally and poli­ti­cally dubious.

But doesn’t this smack of a poli­ti­cal show trial?

It does, and it is been going on since mid­night 23.rd of July. For many a neces­sary out­let, an emo­tio­nal release. But it never stops, and one won­ders: where are the coun­ter­vai­ling for­ces, where are the inhi­bitions, that makes pro­fes­sio­nals shrink, that deter them from crossing cer­tain invi­sible borders?

Because what is pretty obvious to an deta­ched obser­ver is that one is making a compact, a self-referring sys­tem, built on its own logic, and only the facts and pre­mi­ses that sup­port the desi­red pur­pose are admit­ted: to see evil in all its gha­st­liness, attri­buted to one’s poli­ti­cal enemies.

The psychiatric report brought some real and serious objec­tions to the pre­vai­ling mode and con­cep­tion. But the pro­blem is: when a con­cep­tion is based on mood it beco­mes resi­stant to new facts.

22/7 beco­mes an emo­tio­nal rol­ler coaster.

The media are main play­ers. They seem to act accor­ding to an invi­sible script. In Ame­rica this is sim­ply known as poli­ti­cal cor­rect­ness, and left­ist libe­ra­lism, that is inca­pable of jum­ping over its own sha­dow. In Nor­way the situa­tion is dif­fe­rent: there sim­ply is no coun­ter­vai­ling force to tell the powers that be that they are on a dan­gerous roll, that their obses­sion with somet­hing they do not know - is lead­ing them and society astray.

The great para­dox is that Nor­way is run by the gene­ra­tion of 68′ and their siblings. They are now lea­ving the respon­s­i­bi­lity to their off­spring. Before they go they want to put the 22/7 in the right per­s­pec­tive: they want to solve the case, i.e. explain and under­stand how this Nor­we­gian boy ended up as the grea­test mass mur­de­re­rer in Nor­we­gian his­tory. Since the crime was poli­ti­cal they will find a poli­ti­cal expla­na­tion: Brei­vik is the har­bin­ger of a extreme right that is rising its ugly head in Europe. Thus the case and its solu­tion has an impact on the whole of Europe. It feeds into the con­flict between a poli­ti­cal and cul­tural class that feel it is under attack and are con­vin­ced that it is figh­ting a just case.

But like Joschka Fischer said to Donald Rums­feld in Munich before the inva­sion of Iraq: “Sorry, we are not con­vin­ced”, one can say about the Nor­we­gian scene: Show us all the argu­ments, if not you may make the wrong judgement.

Brei­vik will be jud­ged, eit­her to impri­son­ment, or psychiatric treat­ment. He will not be released until old age. But what is really at stake is the con­text: what will come first - his men­tal ill­ness, or “the milieu”?

It is wor­ry­ing that his lawyer, Geir Lippe­stad, a couple of weeks ago announ­ced in the big­gest daily, VG, that he wan­ted to sub­poena his like­min­ded wri­ters on the net, and he spec­i­fi­cally men­tio­ned Fjord­man, and the edi­tor of document.no. Lippe­stad spoke in gene­ral terms, about respon­s­i­bi­lity for one’s words, and that those might have radi­ca­lized his cli­ent. Lippe­stad later stated that he only wan­ted to sub­poena Fjord­man. From his point of view the damage this inflicts on indi­vi­duals may seem small com­pared to the serious­ness of the case. But the damage that he and VG does to free­dom of speech in Nor­way is a dif­fe­rent story.

Lippe­stad acts in an environ­ment where a host of intel­lec­tuals are cal­ling the same tune; when they say “respon­s­i­bi­lity” they mean cri­mi­na­lity, out of bounds, banish­ment, ost­racism and punishment.

The two main pub­lic broad­cas­ters in Nor­way and Sweden, NRK and SVT, have coope­ra­ted and both aired docu­men­ta­ries that lies the blame squarely on the poli­ti­cal right, star­ting from Sve­rig­de­mo­kra­tene and Frem­skritts­par­tiet (Pro­gress party), via poli­ti­cal web­si­tes and indi­vi­dual blog­gers. What is start­ling is the lack of dis­tinc­tion between hugely dif­fe­rent actors. On the con­trary, the object is to estab­lish the link between them, to show they are part of the same trend, that is rightwing, meaning ille­gi­ti­mate and anti­de­mocra­tic. If they should repre­sent a sub­stan­tial part of the popu­la­tion, the more impor­tant it is to suppress them. This is not a ques­tion of num­bers and opi­nion, but about man­date, and the powers that be, both in poli­tics and the media, have the man­date. From whom they do not tell.

A lot is in the balance, not just for Nor­way. Some 450 jour­na­lists are due when the case opens April 16th.


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