Nytt

President Mohamed Morsi har i realiteten gjennomført et kupp innenfra. Det synes stadig flere enige om. Det har utløst sterke interne rivninger i Egypt. Splittelsen var stor fra før.

Morsi sier han handler i en slags nasjonal nødverge. Han sier: Stol på meg, men det har andre sagt før ham og det har ofte gått galt, skriver David Rohde i New York Times.

Morsi holdt en tale fredag foran presidentpalasset der han hentet mandat ovenfra og fra velgerne.

“God’s will and elections made me the captain of this ship,” Mr. Morsi said.

Men hvis Morsi hadde lyttet mer til velgerne ville han tatt inn over seg hvor polariserende en slik tilsidesettelse av balanserende instanser er. Morsi griper inn i og forstyrrer et politisk system som er svakt og skjørt.

The battles that raged on Friday — over power, legitimacy and the mantle of the revolution — posed a sharp challenge not only to Mr. Morsi but also to his opponents, members of secular, leftist and liberal groups whose crippling divisions have stifled their agenda and left them unable to confront the more popular Islamist movement led by the Muslim Brotherhood.

Medisinen forverrer pasientens tilstand.

“There was a disease but this is not the remedy,” Hassan Nafaa, a liberal political science professor and activist at Cairo University, told Reuters Friday. “We are going towards more polarization between the Islamist front on one hand and all the others on the other. This is a dangerous situation.”

Indeed, an alarming dynamic seems to be taking hold in Egypt. Power grabs, brinksmanship and walk-outs are becoming the norm, as a bitter struggle plays out among newly empowered Islamists, vestiges of the Mubarak regime and the country’s deeply divided liberals. Political paralysis is the result — with rule by presidential decree, overreach by the judiciary and a deadlocked constitutional assembly. As polarization deepens, desperately needed economic, political and judicial reforms stall.

Morsi skred til handling dagen etter at Egypt sto som garant for en ny våpenhvile mellom Israel og Hamas. Partene har inngått avtale via Egypt, ikke mellom hverandre.

Avtalen ga Egypt kredibilitet, som Morsi nå har forspilt.

Det er ikke første gang han griper inn på en autoritær måte – skjærer gjennom – og endrer situasjonen ved diktat, ikke forhandlinger. Det samme skjedde da han sparket militærrådet i august.

“President Morsi has used the nearly absolute authority he assumed last August,” Nathan Brown warned in an excellent analysis for The Arabist, “to try to put that absolute authority beyond reach, at least on a temporary basis. He may very well succeed.”

In a surprising triumph in August, Mr. Morsi abruptly ended the Egyptian military’s post-Mubarak rule of the country. After apparently gaining the support of younger military officers, Mr. Morsi forced older, pro-Mubarak officers, led by Field Marshall Muhamad Hussein Tantawi, into retirement. Mr. Morsi then seized sweeping powers.

Det ligger en vilje til makt bak som er vanskelig å overse. Men flere prøver. Det hvite hus har vært taus. Kun State Department har sendt ut en ullen melding, men bekymringen er merkbar. USA hadde trodd at Morsi kunne bli en samtalepartner og synes nå å være i villrede. Det samme er vel norsk UD. Skal de vente til toget er gått?

On Friday, the State Department expressed muted concern over Mr. Morsi’s decision. “One of the aspirations of the revolution was to ensure that power would not be overly concentrated in the hands of any one person or institution,” said the State Department spokeswoman, Victoria Nuland.

She said, “The current constitutional vacuum in Egypt can only be resolved by the adoption of a constitution that includes checks and balances, and respects fundamental freedoms, individual rights and the rule of law consistent with Egypt’s international commitments.”

Dette er indirekte en kritikk av Morsi, for han gjorde det stikk motsatte. Han eliminerte checks and balances.

That restraint vanished on Thursday. Mr. Morsi removed the unpopular prosecutor, opened the doors for a re-trial of Mubarak and other officials and granted himself and the country’s constitutional assembly immunity from rulings by the country’s pro-Mubarak judiciary.

Riset bak speilet

USA har ett ris bak speilet og det er lånet på 4,8 milliarder dollar som Pengefondet sa ja til sist tirsdag. Men det kan tenkes at det knyttes betingelser til lånet. Det er for øvrig del av en stor hjelpepakke til Egypt på hele 14 milliarder dollar som USA, EU, Saudi-Arabia og Qatar antas å stå bak. Det endelige møtet om IMF-lånet skal være 19. desember. Det kan være man da vil stille krav om maktfordeling og demokratisk utvikling. Men hvis situasjonen i Egypt er enda mer kaotisk, vil man våge å stille krav?

Brorskapet snakker med to tunger. Morsi lover at han skal behandle alle egyptere likt, men behandlingen og kommentarene til en mann som Mohammed El Baradei sier noe annet:

“I am for all Egyptians,” Mr. Morsi said, adding that he was working for social and economic stability and the rotation of power. “I will not be biased against any son of Egypt.”

Unfortunately, the world has seen this script before. It almost always turns out badly. A destructive dynamic is taking hold in Egypt. The poisonous distrust and conspiracy theories that have handicapped the country’s transition to democracy are deepening.

On Friday, a senior Brotherhood official scoffed at liberal opposition leader Muhammed El Baradei’s calls for protests.

“We’re not scared of El Baradei,” the official told journalist Lauren E. Bohn, “he has no real support on street, he’s Western.”

El Baradei kan protestere så mye han vil, han blir bare lyttet til i Vesten. Det er en foraktfull tone, også mot Vesten.

http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/11/24/morsis-high-stakes-gamble/

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/24/world/middleeast/amid-protest-egypts-leader-defends-his-new-powers.html?pagewanted=1&_r=0&nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20121124