Kommentar

Abdul-Rehman Malik er redaktør for Q-News, the Muslim Magazine. Det han skriver om utviklingen av den muslimske kommunitet i Storbritannia er vel verdt å lytte til, selv om man ikke er enig i alt han sier.

Abdul-Rehman Malik er skeptisk til de offisielle avskyresolusjonene til muslimske ledere. De fleste unge muslimer aner ikke hvem de er.

Noe som ofte går hus forbi er at det er stor forskjell på muslimene, avhengig av bakgrunn. De lever også uavhengige liv.

It is foolish to speak of a ‘Muslim community’ as if it were undifferentiated and homogeneous. In towns like Oldham, there are parallel communities – Pakistani and Bangladeshi, divided along ethnic and sectarian lines. How can any organisation claim to represent both communities nationally, when they are divided locally? Well-publicised visits to Leeds in the aftermath of the bombings to meet still more community representatives cannot make up for regular, sustained contact with Muslim communities at street level.

Even last week’s welcome fatwas against terrorist violence should be regarded with caution. Fatwas are non-binding opinions and most imams in Britain do not have the power to interpret doctrine. Mosques have little actual authority in the lives of ordinary Muslims and the edicts of imams can be ignored or followed as Muslims wish. With most mosques not accessible to women and with more young people, like the bombers, seeking guidance outside them, Britain’s mosques are caught in a crisis of relevance.

Det viktige arbeidet foregår ikke i moskeene, men i fritidsklubber og aktivitetssentra, på gatenivå. Det var typisk nok i et slikt at den eldste 7/7-selvmordsbomberen, Mohammed Sidique Khan, arbeidet.

Så sier Malik noe svært interessant om den retning islam har tatt i Storbritannia de senere tiår. Jeg er redd det også gjelder Norge:

Muslims who think that the recent attacks have nothing to do with Islam are simply in denial. Since the 1960s, a literalist, puritanical form of Islam has been gaining ground in Britain. Well funded and promoted in slickly produced manuals of ‘correct’ doctrine and ‘authentic’ practice, this aberrant theology saw to remove the celebration of difference and flexibility of law that lies at the heart of Islam’s classical past. Gone were the interpretive ambiguities, replaced by certainties of right and wrong, good Muslim and bad.

It was under the watch of Muslim organisations that this form of Islam became increasingly popular and 2_kommentarstream. The deteriorating political situation of the Muslim world, coupled with the rise of, at first largely peaceful, Islamist movements, has added a dangerous dimension to this reformist Islam.

Spurred by strident religious tracts and dreams of a utopian Islamic state, some doctrinal zealots have turned their thoughts to the ummah, the global Muslim community, seen not as a spiritual brotherhood, but reimagined as a political one in opposition to an immoral, imperialist and decadent West. Such literalism allowed for a hatred of ‘the other’ that was hitherto unknown in Muslim civilisation.

Hvordan snu utviklingen? Malik etterlater ingen tvil om at det blir uhyre vanskelig. Å nedsette kommisjoner med prominenser har trolig lite for seg. De muslimske lederne er lite representantive og følger ikke med på utviklingen.

A few months ago, groups like the MCB would have dismissed claims that angry, globalised and ideologically hardened Muslim men could potentially become terrorists carrying out attacks on British soil. Now, its leadership is going to great lengths to sound as if they were trying to prevent these terrible attacks all along.

MCB: Muslim Council of Britain.

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