Forensic psychiatric statement — Anders Behring Breivik (VI)

Christian Skaug

pre­vious

4.6 Sixth inter­view with both experts on 1 Sep­tem­ber 2011

Like the last time, the experts meet the sub­ject in a large room at Ila pri­son and deten­tion cen­ter. The Nor­we­gian Cor­rec­tio­nal Ser­vices  have approved that the visit take place wit­hout a glass wall between the sub­ject and the experts. As in the first con­ver­sa­tion, there were three con­fe­rence tab­les between the experts and the sub­ject and two pri­son guards were pre­sent during the con­ver­sa­tion. The sub­ject showed up in trans­por­ta­tion belts with his right hand free.

The con­ver­sa­tion las­ted for nearly three hours.

The experts initi­ally ask how the sub­ject is doing now. He answers: Battle morale is at 30% now. It was 100% before the ope­ra­tion. The sub­ject has made the scale him­self. He reports that 0% is indif­fe­rence, 10% is unlivable, 20% is OK, 50% is the upper limit of figh­ting morale in the pri­son, and 60% are days when one is a bit demo­ti­vated in free­dom. It is my per­so­nal measu­ring scale.

When asked, the sub­ject denies feeling gloomy, weak, depressed, sad, regret­ful, self-blaming, asha­med or wor­ried. He does not expe­ri­ence lack of ini­tia­tive or lack of joy. He has not had and does not have thoughts about wan­ting to end his life or harm him­self. You mis­un­der­stand, he says. The scale is all about figh­ting morale in rela­tion to our revo­lu­tio­nary way. I’m doing fine. The use of such adjec­ti­ves as you men­tion are not used. It does not work.

The experts then ask which vari­ab­les in him change when figh­ting morale goes down. He replies: It’s the sero­to­nin level. Dip­ping tobacco, smoke and con­tact with a PC increa­ses the sero­to­nin level. And I’m look­ing at phase 3, the trial, as an impor­tant moti­va­tion for my future life.

The experts ask if the sub­ject can describe some feelings that he had in the period where the figh­ting morale drop­ped to 10%, which he says is the low­est level it has ever had. He says: I never reached the apathy limit.

Despite repeated ques­tions from the experts, the sub­ject is unable to find terms that could describe his emo­tions at that time, or now. He is also unable, even after repeated ques­tions, to iden­tify con­cepts that could describe his emo­tions in the days before the cri­mi­nal acts. The sub­ject answers all ques­tions of that nature by refer­ring to stra­tegy, morale and rew­ard sys­tems.

The sub­ject says how­e­ver that long-term rese­arch has shown that one can keep morale up by using smoke, dip­ping tobacco, music, candy, good food and coffee. The best can­dies are “Kro­ko­dil­ler” and “Hekse­hyl”. It is also good for the revo­lu­tio­nary figh­ting morale to watch your favo­rite series on TV.

The experts say that this sounds like fai­rly nor­mal sti­muli for most people. The sub­ject says: No, this is a mili­tary stra­tegy in single cell struc­tu­res. It is an essen­tial part of the single cell - rew­ard sys­tem in revo­lu­tio­nary science. When you are active so long as a dor­mant cell, you can not engage in pep-talks. I have used the sys­tem during the last four years. New mili­tary stra­te­gies open a need for new rew­ard systems.

The sub­ject says he has tested the sys­tem on him­self. He is asked for examp­les, and says: Used an iPod when I went for a walk. By liste­ning to ideo­lo­gical songs I got moti­va­tion. He adds: During the first period in pri­son I had not­hing, not even candy, and my sero­to­nin level dropped.

The sub­ject says he has used the rew­ard sys­tem over many years. In prac­tice, I had no one to talk to, he says. After the ordi­na­tion, eve­rything had to be done by myself alone.

The experts ask the sub­ject if he has ever used drugs. No, I have never used drugs, he replies, with one excep­tion, I have used mari­juana twice in total. Both times when I was using ste­roids in 2010.

The sub­ject denies having ever used the drugs amp­he­ta­mine, heroin, cocaine, mari­juana, GHB, or any kind of addic­tive drugs. He has had a mode­rate con­sump­tion of alco­hol, with few inta­kes over the recent years.

The sub­ject him­self adds: I have used the energy drink “Red Bull” and also eaten “ECA stack” pills a total of five times in my life. Three of the pills I took two weeks before the ope­ra­tion on 22 July 2011, and then I took a pill the same day as the ope­ra­tion took place, maybe 30 min­utes before. The sub­ject explains to the experts that ECA” is a mix­ture of ephed­rine, caf­feine and aspi­rin. I orde­red the com­po­nents and made it myself. Use it to improve per­for­mance and stay awake.

The sub­ject says that he has used ana­bo­lic ste­roids a few times in his life. The sub­ject says he had his very first expe­ri­ence with ste­roids when he was 20 years old. It was a short cure, he says, and I did not repeat it later.

The last two years he has used a total of three ste­roid cyc­les. I wan­ted to build strength and speed, he says.

The first cycle was from February to May 2010, the sub­ject explains. He says he only used ste­roids and that he gai­ned about 7 kg.

The second cycle was from Decem­ber 2010 to February 2011, he says. He used the drug Win­st­rol. He gai­ned about seven kilo­grams also this time. The sub­ject says he trai­ned a lot in paral­lel with this, trai­ned hard and got big­ger.

The third cycle was from 27 April to 15 June, when the sub­ject says he took four Dianabol pills daily. It is muscle-building, he says. The sub­ject says that from 15 June to 22 July, he took a total of five pills daily with Stan­ozo­lol, which is sold as Win­st­rol. Win­st­rol pre­ser­ves mus­cle mass, he says.

I took them, and I trai­ned because I was plan­ning to become a one man army, he says. We are really against using ste­roids, but it is allowed as a mili­tary stra­tegy, the sub­ject adds.

At this point in the con­ver­sa­tion, the sub­ject starts say­ing that if Labor had changed its immi­gra­tion policy in time, his ope­ra­tion in Nor­way would not have been neces­sary. Then we would have hel­ped our Swedish brot­hers instead, he says. The experts ask what the help would have con­sis­ted of in that case. There are, as in Nor­way, major pro­blems with rob­be­ries and rapes. So an ope­ra­tion there has to be adap­ted to the local con­ditions, he says.

The experts agree with the sub­ject to attempt to com­p­lete the col­lection of anam­ne­s­tic data. The sub­ject con­sents to this, and the topic of our Nor­dic brot­hers is thereby abandoned.

About the year 2009, the sub­ject explains that he com­pleted his com­pen­dium in Novem­ber. He says: I tried to get the more mode­rate essays pub­lis­hed, but I had no pub­lis­her. I sent a couple of essays to the news­pa­per Aften­pos­ten, but they were not accep­ted. I told my mom and fri­ends that I was on tour to get pub­li­city for the book. But in rea­lity, I was tra­vel­ling to buy weapons.

In February 2010, the sub­ject was wor­king with “e-mail far­ming”, and says he got 9000 fri­ends on Face­book, as well as 6000 e-mail addres­ses. The goal was to dis­tri­bute the com­pen­dium online, via 10 000 e-mail addres­ses. I was care­ful about web­si­tes that use very strong sym­bols, the sub­ject says. Had to make sure I stayed away from the sites moni­to­red by PST (the Nor­we­gian Police Security Service).

I saved the com­pen­dium and the e-mail addres­ses in a very safe place, the sub­ject says. All evi­dence must be rem­oved before the next phase. All tra­cks must be deleted from phase to phase. When asked the sub­ject says: Will not say where the chip is located. In prin­ciple it may be wise to keep some copies of the com­pen­dium, just in case. I believe there is tech­no­logy that can locate chips of this type.

The sub­ject goes on to say: The police has the tech­no­logy to wire­tap your phone even if it is tur­ned off. The battery must be rem­oved. The police has a type of remote con­trol, it is remote con­trolled from their side. There is no elect­ric cir­cuit in mic­rochips, but some types can send rays anyway.

About surveil­lance, the sub­ject says that he for the last three years - 2009, 2010, and 2011 - was afraid he was wir­etap­ped. He says: There are many dif­fe­rent lists for moni­to­ring. I was look­ing for a way to verify whether I was on such a list. Thought I could alre­ady be on the watch list of a Euro­pean intel­li­gence agency. So I regar­ded it as a test when I was buy­ing weapons, then it was unlikely that I was on watch lists any­way. But as long as it did not cost any­thing, I just as well took out the cell phone battery.

The sub­ject says that he also took the battery out of his cell phone during a visit to Pra­gue in 2010. I was good at hiding clues, he said. When asked, he explains that he took the battery out of the phone both to avoid being registe­red on the base sta­tions, and to avoid wire­tap­ping. In gene­ral, the last year I tried to leave the phone at home, he says. I also used tech­no­logy to hide my IP address.

The sub­ject says he has been thin­king a lot about wire­tap­ping the last couple of years. I took my precau­tions, he says, but did not see any cer­tain indi­ca­tions before June 18, 2011. Then I put toget­her a num­ber of factors.

The inci­dent hap­pe­ned while the sub­ject lived on his farm in Øster­da­len. That day I rea­lized I was being watched, he says. First I saw a police patrol by the road, then I saw a car with an extra antenna, and I had the feeling it was a civi­lian police car. It was sus­pi­ciously par­ked, 17 kilo­me­ters from the farm.

Now the PST is on my farm instal­ling came­ras, the sub­ject thought at that time. It was unlikely to be local police, since they had a civi­lian police car. They were par­ked next to a bus stop and there were two men in the front seats.

When I got home, the barn door was left wide open and the sub­ject thought there still might be some­one inside the house. He waited for 20 min­utes, and says: I thought about figh­ting my way to the Glock and then keep figh­ting. But I thought it was too much oppo­sition, and that it was bet­ter to sur­ren­der wit­hout a fight.

It appears that the sub­ject on this day was sure that surveil­lance came­ras had been installed on the farm. He went sear­ching for came­ras inside the house when he got home. He says: Checked for came­ras on all poten­tial places. They have stop­ped using microp­ho­nes now, they use tiny came­ras instead. I checked all the cracks and all the holes, natu­ral places, but I found not­hing. I thought it would be ratio­nal for them to install came­ras, as they did with Al Qaeda. Plenty of evi­dence there.

The sub­ject says he has had thoughts about surveil­lance by came­ras since February 2010. At that point, he con­side­red get­ting detec­tion equip­ment to find any came­ras, but ended up sear­ching care­fully around him.

About the influ­ence by infec­tion, the sub­ject says that the thought of infec­tions became more rele­vant from 2010. The sub­ject became more and more irri­tated with people who walk around infec­ting others. It is irre­spon­s­ible. I’ve always been a healthy per­son, he says, I have never been ill and I am proud of it. A hypochond­riac men­ta­lity is the same as a los­ing men­ta­lity, in my opinion.

When asked about how the sur­round­ings noticed that the sub­ject was annoyed with infec­tious people, he says that mom noticed it. The sub­ject says he purchased a face mask, which he used at cer­tain times in the apart­ment at home with his mot­her. Do not think it could have been worn for more than maybe half an hour all in all, the sub­ject says. He does con­firm, how­e­ver, to have been so wor­ried about infec­tion that he discus­sed the use of face masks indoors with his gene­ral physician.

My mot­her mana­ged to infect me any­way, he says. Was annoyed at both her and her acquaintances.

In the period from February 2010 to July 2010, the sub­ject went into what he calls the armor phase. He says: I made ​​a proto­type body armor for a poten­tial battle with Delta (police spec­ial unit, experts’ note). I bought a box and put in it four bul­let­proof vest inserts, a pair of self-made bullet-proof pants, a bul­let­proof vest, and bul­let­proof shoes. And then I added smoke gre­na­des and other things into the box, and drove to the Swedish border.

The sub­ject explains how he found a deserted dirt road near Kongs­vin­ger, and buried the box next to a mosquito pond, so hun­ting dogs could not find it. Hun­ting dogs are in fact bot­he­red by mosqui­toes, he adds. The sub­ject says he spent a whole day dig­ging and made a hole a meter and a half deep. He put the box in it, and camou­fla­ged it with a rot­ten tree root on top. He says: It was ter­ribly hard work, but I made it.

In July 2010 the sub­ject star­ted what he calls the weapons rese­arch phase. The sub­ject says he spent a lot of time to fami­lia­rize him­self with various issues rela­ting to weapons. From the end of August 2010, this phase trans­for­med into what the sub­ject calls the weapons acqui­sition phase.

The sub­ject says he rea­lized that he had to docu­ment all the pha­ses in the com­pen­dium. He says: Not for my own sake. It was for recrui­ting, for victory.

The con­ver­sa­tion is ended.

Cur­rent sta­tus by both experts on 1 Sep­tem­ber 2011

The sub­ject is awake, in clear con­scious­ness, and aware of time and place and situa­tion. Intel­li­gence cli­ni­cally assessed to be in the nor­mal range. The sub­jects uses num­bers and values ​​to a grea­ter extent than is com­mon in nor­mal speech. He uses a tech­ni­cal, unemo­tio­nal and not very dyna­mic lan­guage in the conversation.

He appears emo­tio­nally shal­low, with com­p­lete emo­tio­nal dis­tance to his own situa­tion and to the experts. He is polite, and coope­ra­tes to the best of his abi­lity. He laughs and smi­les quite often, when related to issues con­cer­ning his own indi­vi­dual sig­ni­fi­cance and/or his actions.

The sub­ject has a light gla­ring look and blinks a lot. He appears with a somewhat redu­ced facial expres­sion, and a somewhat rigid body lan­guage as he moves very little in the chair during the hours the con­ver­sa­tion lasts.

The sub­ject is not able to rec­og­nize or describe his own feelings. He appears thus to have alexithymia.

The sub­ject ascri­bes his own use of nor­mal sti­muli like iPod liste­ning, smo­king, drin­king coffee, and eating candy as mili­tary stra­te­gies in single cell struc­tu­res in revo­lu­tio­nary science. He belie­ves that watch­ing a favo­rite series on TV is good for the revo­lu­tio­nary figh­ting morale. The sub­ject thus inter­prets per­so­nal, pri­vate and tri­vial mat­ters to have sig­ni­fi­cance for geopo­li­ti­cal mat­ters. The ideas are con­side­red as delu­sions of grandeur.

During the con­ver­sa­tion it is revealed that the sub­ject since 2009 has feared that his phone has been tap­ped by a Euro­pean intel­li­gence agency. Since 2010 he sus­pec­ted that surveil­lance came­ras had been installed at home. He has con­side­red acqui­ring detec­tor equip­ment to find the came­ras, but sett­led on doing a care­ful search. He has belie­ved to be moni­to­red by civi­lian police. He has felt vul­ne­rable to infec­tion. The ideas are con­side­red as para­noid delusions.

The sub­ject appears to have an unclear iden­tity feeling, as he switches between descri­bing him­self in the sin­gu­lar and plural.

The experts have occa­sio­nally had dif­fi­culty in following the sub­ject. He exhi­bits in parts of the con­ver­sa­tion to have a mode­rate associa­tion dis­or­der and for­mal thought dis­or­der in the form of perse­ve­ra­tion. There is no lat­ency or thought block during the conversation.

The sub­ject explains that he from February 2010 has made body armor to pre­pare for a pos­sible battle with Delta. The phe­n­omena are con­side­red to be thoughts about exten­sive violence.

The sub­ject appears totally wit­hout depres­sive thoughts in the form of guilt, shame, hope­lessness, or thoughts about his own death by suicide. He denies expe­ri­en­cing sad­ness, joy­lessness, redu­ced ini­tia­tive or lack of ini­tia­tive. There is thus no evi­dence of a depressed mood.

The sub­ject does not exhi­bit increased psycho­mo­to­ri­cal tempo, or per­ce­i­ved high mood. The subject’s speech is cohe­rent and with nor­mal syn­tax. He has no mind or voice strain. He is “affect stable”. There is no evi­dence of lack of impulse con­trol, neit­her ver­bally nor phy­si­cally. There is thus no evi­dence of a high mood.

The sub­ject denies the use of addic­tive drugs or illi­cit drugs, except having used mari­juana twice in 2010. He con­firms having taken a total of three ana­bo­lic ste­roids treat­ments, the last from April 27 to July 22, 2011. The sub­ject denies using ste­roids or drugs of any kind at the time of ques­tioning. He appears with no cli­ni­cal sus­pi­cion of intoxication.

The sub­ject denies having suici­dal thoughts or plans.

5.7 Seventh con­ver­sa­tion with both experts on 5 Sep­tem­ber 2011

Like the last time, the experts meet the sub­ject in a large room at Ila pri­son and deten­tion cen­ter. The Nor­we­gian Cor­rec­tio­nal Ser­vices has approved that the visit take place wit­hout the use of a glass wall between the sub­ject and the experts. As in the first con­ver­sa­tion, there were three con­fe­rence tab­les between the experts and the sub­ject, and two pri­son guards were pre­sent during the con­ver­sa­tion. The sub­ject showed up in trans­por­ta­tion belts, with his right hand free.

The con­ver­sa­tion las­ted for more than three hours.

It is agreed that the­ma­ti­cally, the con­ver­sa­tion will be about the period from August 2010, after we aban­do­ned the col­lection of anam­ne­s­tic data at that time in the sixth con­ver­sa­tion. The sub­ject was wil­ling to do so.

About the period from August 2010 the sub­ject says that this was four con­se­cutive weeks of rese­arch to find weapons and ammu­nition. He deci­ded to tra­vel to the Czech Repub­lic, and had thoughts that he might be able to move on to the Bal­kans in order to obtain weapons there.

I rented a car, he says, and took the ferry to Kiel, Ger­many. Then went on to Pra­gue. The sub­ject smi­les and laughs. I was also to pick out “police insig­nias” (badges, experts’ note), he says. The sub­ject sta­tes that he brought with him 50,000 in cash on the trip. There was par­ty­ing at the hotel, and I tried to approach the com­mu­nity, but I could not get any weapons con­tacts, he says.

The sub­ject says he lost the moti­va­tion to acquire weapons on the trip, and thought that he might as well get it legally, at home. Tried to ask the people I saw were cri­mi­nals, the sub­ject says, but they thought I was com­pletely mad. Pra­gue is a bad place to buy weapons. He retur­ned to Nor­way empty-handed after ten days.

The sub­ject explains that by having a mem­ber­ship in a hun­ting club, he was allowed to buy a Ruger Mini 14 (a semi-automatic rifle, experts’ note). The sub­ject had alre­ady been a mem­ber of Oslo Pis­tol Club for a few years, so he resu­med tar­get prac­tice. He esti­ma­tes that he actively did tar­get prac­tice for about five mon­ths, from Sep­tem­ber 2010 until the start of 2011. He applied for per­mis­sion to own a Glock (semi-automatic pis­tol, experts’ note).

In the mon­ths after his return from the trip to Pra­gue, the sub­ject says that he plan­ned to get enough body armor. He thought he would try to acquire 10 magazi­nes of ammu­nition, I like to be on the safe side, he says. He thought that the equip­ment had to be light, mobile, and rich in con­tent. The sub­ject says that at that time he still had not deci­ded what the goal of his ope­ra­tion would be. He smi­les: Had not yet deci­ded if I should be sta­tio­nary or mobile, he says. Did not discuss this with any­body, he adds.

Around the turn of the year 2010/2011, the sub­ject says that he was in the “Explo­sion acqui­sition phase”. He explains that in this period, he stu­died bombs and acqui­red ingre­di­ents to make them. The sub­ject says he bought a fuse and various che­mical sub­stan­ces in Decem­ber 2010.

The sub­ject also says that in Octo­ber and Novem­ber 2010, he spent a lot of time wri­ting a guide for others, so that future revo­lu­tio­na­ries would have an approach to upcoming ope­ra­tions. He adds: Was very satis­fied. Had high morale during this period.

In January and February 2011, the sub­ject says he did a lot of shoo­ting and a lot of trai­ning. He had star­ted a Dianabol cycle in Decem­ber 2010 and found that the trai­ning gave results, and that he got more mus­c­les. When asked if he noticed any men­tal chan­ges, the sub­ject answers: There was per­haps 25% more gusto, and I was a little more moti­vated. The sub­ject thinks this was due both to an improved self-image, and the che­mical effect. Beyond this, he noticed no side effects or chan­ges resul­ting from the drug he used. About the tar­get prac­tice in Oslo Pis­tol Club, the sub­ject says: It was boring. Went twice a week and got the sig­na­tu­res I had to get.

The sub­ject says that during the same period , he spent a lot of time in front of the PC, and used a lot of time to purchase minor things. He men­tions cau­s­tic soda, ace­tone.

In January and February 2011, the sub­ject was a lot at home in front of the PC. He says: I still had not plan­ned which ope­ra­tion to carry out. Had thought of seve­ral, but it was not deci­ded. Our orga­niza­tion is focu­sed on single cells, so a lot of ope­ra­tions are the­re­fore exclu­ded. It is a ques­tion of what is doable for a single person.

The sub­ject says that in January and February 2011, he con­side­red taking over the NRK (Nor­we­gian Broad­cas­ting Cor­po­ra­tion) to broad­cast pro­pa­ganda, but many more people would be nee­ded to do that. Thought about deto­na­ting the Hal­den nuclear reac­tor. Also thought about blowing up the royal castle, but Europe’s royal fami­lies should not be exe­cuted until 2020.

The sub­ject says that alre­ady a year earlier, he thought about set­ting off a bomb at the con­gress of SV (Socia­list Left Party) or the Labor Party. Con­side­red it again at the begin­ning of 2011.

At this point in the con­ver­sa­tion, the sub­ject again starts speak­ing in the plu­ral we form. We have decla­red a pre­emp­tive war against those who belong to cate­gory A and B, he says. There are about 4,500 people in total. They are all legi­ti­mate tar­gets. The sub­ject says that alre­ady towards the end his work with the com­pen­dium in 2009, he thought about the pos­si­bi­lity of attack­ing the govern­ment buil­ding. He jus­ti­fies this by say­ing: Wan­ted to give the govern­ment a war­ning first.

The sub­ject says that during a period of approxi­mately one year, from the win­ter of 2010 to the win­ter of 2011, he had a plan A. The plan con­sis­ted of placing 300 kilo car bombs by the govern­ment buil­ding, the Youngs­tor­get square, and at the royal castle. This plan inclu­ded that the sub­ject envi­sio­ned to be able to include three bonus tar­gets. This was the exe­cution of the Blit­zers, exe­cutions in the Dags­avi­sen news­pa­per, and exe­cutions in the socia­list party hea­dquar­ters.

The sub­ject adds that he has pon­de­red much over blowing up the royal castle. It would have drawn the whole world’s atten­tion to our pan-European orga­niza­tion, he says, and the sur­vi­val of the Nor­we­gian eth­nic group is the most impor­tant issue for us. The sub­ject, how­e­ver, was not sure how this would have been rece­i­ved by the mili­tant revo­lu­tio­na­ries. I am still not sure about the royal castle.

The sub­ject explains: One of the moti­ves was to reor­ga­nize the poli­ti­cal scale. 120 mil­lion Euro­peans sup­port the ope­ra­tion. 15% of Euro­peans sup­port the ope­ra­tions directly, while 50% sup­port the pri­mary prin­cip­les. In about 60 years, 40% will sup­port the prac­ti­cal policy, and 70% of all men. I believe this will be the domi­nant poli­ti­cal orientation.

The sub­ject is very ver­bose and talks fast. There was a B plan as well, he says. It was to blow up the Labour Party’s natio­nal con­ven­tion, blow up the Skup con­fe­rence (Con­fe­rence of the press, experts’ note), or exe­cute trai­tors at Utøya island.

The sub­ject says he had thoughts about pos­sible exe­cutions on Utøya for the first time in the sum­mer of 2010. He says: Thought it was a good tar­get, iso­la­ted, police would have pro­blems, access to 730 acti­vists at one time, and no civi­li­ans pre­sent. The sub­ject says that civi­li­ans are eve­rybody not poli­ti­cally involved on the left.

The dis­ad­van­tage of Utøya, the sub­ject says, was that some of the people there were only poten­tial trai­tors. And it’s not ideal with people under 18.

About the time from February 2011, the sub­ject says: It became clear that I nee­ded an ope­ra­tio­nal base. Checked out “Småbruk.no”, look­ing for what was avai­lable to rent.

The sub­ject found a farm to rent, Åsta farm in the val­ley Øster­da­len, and sig­ned a lease there at the end of March 2011. The farm had suf­fi­ci­ent land to allow orde­ring three tons of fer­ti­lizer from Fel­les­kjø­pet. He says: I orde­red the fer­ti­lizer in late April. He says fer­ti­lizer is a neces­sary ingre­di­ent for making bombs. The sub­ject said he had 3000 kg fer­ti­lizer delive­red to the farm in the begin­ning of May 2011, about the same time as he moved into the place himself.

The sub­ject says: I sold the Atos, and leased a car that I ima­gined could blow up the royal castle or the govern­ment buil­ding. Still had not decided.

The sub­ject says that when plans for the ope­ra­tion became firm, he always envi­sio­ned a gigan­tic deto­na­tion by the govern­ment buil­ding. The ulti­mate tar­get in Nor­way was the govern­ment buil­ding, he says. It was a goal to kill as many as pos­sible, but I was delayed, and it tur­ned out to be a fai­lure. 200 to 500 deaths would be the “best case”. Less than 12 was a fai­lure. I expec­ted to be able to lis­ten to the P4 radio channel after­wards, he adds, then I would soon learn if the ope­ra­tion had been a success.

If I had heard on P4 after­wards that there were seve­ral hundred dead, I could have dri­ven to Grøn­land (police sta­tion) to sur­ren­der, the sub­ject says. In order to get inter­na­tio­nal press, there must be a large impact, he says, one must exceed a cer­tain limit. I ima­gined that Utøya could be a bonus ope­ra­tion when nee­ded, or alter­na­tively the news­pa­per Aftenposten’s pre­mi­ses, or the NRK.

Utøya was not firm until about a month before the ope­ra­tion, he says. Eve­rything was delayed and put back, so I mis­sed pos­sible tar­gets at the Labour Party’s natio­nal con­ven­tion in April, as well as the Skup con­fe­rence. I con­ti­nued having Aften­pos­ten and NRK on the list until quite close to the ope­ra­tion, he adds.

Had some reser­va­tions, would have pre­ferred A and B, not C trai­tors, he says. The media have used the word child­ren about the those who were on Utøya. That is a demo­ni­zing stra­tegy against me, 80% of the people there were over 18 years old. In any case: In a Phase ll civil war, eve­rybody above 15 years will be legi­ti­mate targets.

How­e­ver, the sub­ject belie­ves that Utøya was not an opti­mal tar­get. It was a bar­ba­ric ope­ra­tion to per­form for me, he says, but it had to be done. The sub­ject beco­mes intense as he con­ti­nues: Every day my sis­ters get raped and mai­med because of trai­tors. Now they will know how it feels.

The ope­ra­tion is more than jus­ti­fied by that, he adds, but in all there are seve­ral dif­fe­rent moti­ves. The ope­ra­tion was neces­sary for revenge, and it was a pre­emp­tive attack to pre­vent more acti­vity from those indi­vi­duals who betray Nor­way. The ope­ra­tion also func­tions as a war­ning. Most impor­tantly, the sub­ject says, the ope­ra­tion expres­ses my love for my own people and coun­try, and is my con­tri­bu­tion to get­ting rid of the evil in the coun­try.

The sub­ject thinks it is a para­dox that the EU’s fight against ter­ro­rism has made ​​it much har­der to obtain explo­si­ves. Because it has become so dif­fi­cult, the mass exe­cutions are results of the poli­ti­ci­ans’ tigh­ter rules. Had it been easier, explo­sions could have been set up with hig­her preci­sion. The future is in arms.

May and June 2011 are cal­led the che­mis­try phase by the sub­ject. The sub­ject says he installed a ven­ti­la­tion hood and fan on the farm. He used a gas mask while wor­king with the pro­duc­tion of three car bombs, which he hoped could be finis­hed at around May 15. It tur­ned out that it was time con­su­ming to make bombs, and at about June 15, the sub­ject rea­lized that he could not make more than one bomb of about one ton. He gave up the rest.

The sub­ject explains that cir­cums­tan­ces con­tri­buted to deter­mine the design of the final ope­ra­tio­nal plan. I had enough explo­si­ves to blow up the govern­ment buil­ding, he says. I was still con­si­de­ring Aften­pos­ten and NRK, but the con­fe­ren­ces I had thought of were no lon­ger rele­vant since they had alre­ady been held. Utøya was the only remai­ning poli­ti­cal event of the sum­mer. The sub­ject says he spent the week between June 15 to June 23, 2011 doing recon­nais­sance of Utøya before I made the final deci­sion.

The sub­ject deci­ded to do the ope­ra­tion on July 22, which was the day when for­mer prime minis­ter Gro Har­lem Brundt­land was to give a speech on Utøya, accor­ding to the camp program.

The sub­ject explains that it was not pos­sible to wait until the autumn to carry out the ope­ra­tion. I had liquidity pro­blems, he explains. There were bills for fer­ti­lizer, rent, lease, and I would have to buy food, and then the PC broke down. I could not afford a bad cre­dit rating, because then I would not be able to lease a car. I could not wait any lon­ger. The sub­ject says he was about to give up in June 2011, because there were so many pro­blems.

The last four weeks before 22 July 2011 star­ted with the sub­ject dri­ving to the Swedish bor­der, where he dug up the box con­tai­ning the armor he had buried a year ear­lier. He says com­ple­ting the bomb was slow and messy work.

The sub­ject says he wor­ked really hard, surely 7-8 hours a day. He wor­ked with the pro­duc­tion and com­ple­tion of the bomb both at the barn and in the kitchen on the farm he rented. The sub­ject explains in detail how he wor­ked with the mill, cement mixers, and blen­ders. He bought new blen­ders seve­ral times, because the wear was great.

The sub­ject also explains in detail how he wor­ked with sul­fu­ric acid. He dis­til­led water and mixed it with the acid. The sub­ject says that part of the work was per­for­med at night. I got dust in my hair and face, the sub­ject says. It was dan­gerous work. I finis­hed the pri­mary and secondary boos­ter, it was a week’s work. Finis­hed the Analfo just weeks before the ope­ra­tion (Analfo is accor­ding the sub­ject one of the ingre­di­ents of the bomb, experts’ note). Loa­ded the finis­hed 50 kilo units onto the car a week before.

He adds: It was a risky pro­ject. I could have blown my arms off when I was wor­king with the alu­mi­num powder. But I thought I had to sacri­fice myself for my people.

The sub­ject did a test deto­na­tion 2-3 km from the farm. He said he had visi­tors on the farm three times during June and July 2011. XXXXX, the girl­fri­end of the pre­vious ten­ant of the farm, came by in early June. I woke up and saw a text mes­sage in which she said she wan­ted to stop by to fetch somet­hing. I would have had to exe­cute her if she revealed me. Was thin­king I could have slept in the woods if she had to be exe­cuted, and then I could go for Aften­pos­ten and NRK afterwards.

XXXXX saved her life by coming by two days later, the sub­ject says. In addition, there was a beek­eeper in charge of beehi­ves on the pro­perty who came by a few times. It went well.

The sub­ject also says that on one occa­sion, a stran­ger stop­ped by, and said he was a tou­rist. I knew he was from the police, the sub­ject says, but he did not see any­thing.

As the time of the ope­ra­tion came clo­ser, the sub­ject said that he got anxious about the ope­ra­tion day. I have never hurt a mouse my whole life, he says, and he tried to simu­late the ope­ra­tion to avoid being para­ly­zed by fear. The sub­ject says he tried to use com­pu­ter games to prac­tice, but could not do it. WoW is not like real life, he says.

The sub­ject says he also lis­te­ned to music by the group SAGA, and artist Helene Bøksle to pre­pare for the day of the ope­ra­tion, July 22. He even­tually became con­vin­ced that the best pre­pa­ra­tion to suppress fear would be to be men­tally exhaus­ted.

About 22 July 2011, the day of the deto­na­tion by the govern­ment buil­ding and the exe­cutions on Utøya, the sub­ject says: The plan was to be in Oslo, and start the trans­mis­sion of the com­pen­dium at 03:00. But I was delayed at Åsta, and was not in Oslo until 23:00 the day before. The sub­ject then stayed in his mother’s apart­ment in Skøyen until the next day.

The sub­ject said he was very tired and thought he nee­ded sleep and rest before the ope­ra­tion. He the­re­fore slept until eight o’clock, and star­ted the day by making three packed lun­ches, sand­wiches with che­ese and ham. He had hoped to be at the govern­ment buil­ding at 10:00, but star­ted the day by instal­ling a new high speed modem and con­fi­guring Out­look on his PC. This took more time than he had plan­ned, and he panicked, wor­ry­ing about time.

The sub­ject drove the only car he had at his dis­po­sal, the Diablo, and par­ked it on Ham­mers­borg square. He left some equip­ment in the vehicle, did some recon­nais­sance in the Grubbe­ga­ten street, and walked to the Dom­kirke­plas­sen square. Here he took a taxi back to Skøyen. He says: Rea­lized that I did not have much time. I star­ted to rea­lize that most people had left the govern­ment buil­ding already.

Back in his mother’s apart­ment, the sub­ject uploa­ded a film he had made ​​to the web­site YouT­ube. He wrote the last mes­sage in the com­pen­dium at 14.45, and then began to send the com­pen­dium to the 8,000 cul­tural con­ser­va­ti­ves whose e-mail addres­ses he had col­lected. Since it was get­ting late, the sub­ject says he thought about lea­ving out eit­her the bomb or Utøya. But when I saw 600 e-mails had been sent at 15.05, I deci­ded to follow the plan, he says.

The sub­ject walked to the car he had par­ked by Olsens Enke at Skøyen. He got into the car, and changed from civi­lian to mili­tary clot­hing. He then drove to the govern­ment buil­ding via the Natio­nal Thea­ter. He had inten­ded to attach the PST logos he had in the car with mag­nets, but did not do that. How­e­ver, he atta­ched blue lights on the roof of the car, about 200 meters from the tar­get.

The sub­ject said that he inten­ded to drive with the police in tow in case some­one attemp­ted to stop him when dri­ving the Grubbe­gata street in the wrong direc­tion. The plan was to wipe out the police if they tried to stop me, he says.

The sub­ject says he was thin­king: Most people in the govern­ment quar­ters have left now at two o’clock during the sum­mer vaca­tion. I thought alre­ady then that the ope­ra­tion was a fai­lure, but I did the best I could. The sub­ject says he ideally envi­sio­ned that the Prime Minis­ter and two or thee minis­ters and many poli­ti­cal secre­ta­ries would die. But an added bonus was that Delta and the police also had vacation.

The govern­ment buil­ding is the place in Nor­way where there are the fewest civi­li­ans, the sub­ject says. There will always be some­one, that’s just the way it is. The goal was the lar­gest pos­sible num­ber of A-and B-traitors, and the low­est pos­sible num­ber of civi­li­ans and police.

The sub­ject adds: We accept up to 50% dead civi­li­ans. It is impos­sible to deter­mine com­pletely in advance. It’s just cho­sen that way. We have cal­cu­lated that there would be few civi­lian deaths at first, but then the objec­ti­ves will be secu­red and there will be more because of imprecise attacks.

The sub­ject smi­les: Am incre­di­bly pleased with the small num­ber of dead civi­li­ans in the ope­ra­tion. An ex-policeman and only four civi­li­ans. Fewer than 10%. In war there are always civi­lian casu­al­ties, unfor­tu­nately. We regard the Labour Party as a ter­ro­rist orga­niza­tion, and this hit pretty accurately.

The experts ask if the sub­ject that day had thoughts about put­ting the plan away, to save lives, or for other rea­sons. No, the sub­ject says. I never thought about tur­ning back, or stop­ping. I only thought about get­ting it done. The sub­ject denies having made thoughts about the vic­tims’ situa­tion. The dehu­ma­niza­tion process star­ted alre­ady when I wrote the mili­tary sec­tion of the com­pen­dium in 2009, the sub­ject says, or alre­ady in 2002, when I com­mit­ted to a life of suf­fe­ring. The sub­ject says that after this he has not have had pangs of con­science lin­ked to what he calls exe­cutions. In war, the rules are dif­fe­rent, he adds.

The sub­ject says: When I stop­ped 200 meters from the tar­get, that was a moment of great impor­tance. This is what I have trai­ned for and have been trai­ned to do, I thought. The experts ask who taught him. It is at an abs­tract level, the sub­ject says. He smi­les broadly. I am very proud of the ope­ra­tion, he adds. All in all it was a 100% success.

The experts ask what makes him so sure that the ope­ra­tion is a success. The sub­ject smi­les: At that moment, I was not com­for­table, I was in mor­tal dan­ger, but I dehu­ma­nized the enemy, the ope­ra­tion was jus­ti­fied because of the war cri­mes of the power elite.

I had a pause. Sat for two min­utes in the car. The sub­ject laughs out loud. I con­side­red dip­ping tobacco or smoke, but drop­ped it and put on the bullet-proof vest and the hel­met with a visor.

The sub­ject said he had cal­cu­lated that there was about 5% chance he would sur­vive the deto­na­tion of the govern­ment buil­ding. He says: I thought: Now I’m going to die in two min­utes. The plan was to eli­mi­nate the police or security staff if anyone tried to stop me.

The sub­ject says that the bomb in the car he drove to the govern­ment buil­ding had the most explo­sive force to one side. There were, how­e­ver, two cars  incon­ve­ni­ently par­ked out­side the high rise buil­ding, so the sub­ject sim­ply had to park where there was room, wit­hout taking into account what was ideal.

I lit the fuse, he says, and was afraid that eve­rything would deto­nate. He explains to the experts how he had cal­cu­lated how long the fuse would have to be for him to make it back to the other car. The sub­ject got out of the car where the bomb was, and took his Glock pis­tol from the hol­ster while walking to Ham­mers­borg square.

I had six min­utes, and walked quickly. I walked past a man who was curious, the sub­ject says. Think he was a civi­lian police offi­cer. The sub­ject assu­mes that pic­tu­res of him had been sent to seve­ral govern­ment buil­dings, and that the man he met was there to verify the car or me. If he had attacked, I would have exe­cuted him, he adds.

After get­ting into the car he had par­ked on Ham­mers­borg square, the sub­ject says that he tur­ned on the ignition, set the GPS, and drove off. I heard a bang after dri­ving two blocks, he says, adding: I had the “Spa­nish riders” and smoke bombs to throw at any pur­suers, but I did not see any.

The sub­ject tur­ned on the radio and heard that there had been a power­ful bomb on the Youngs­tor­get square. They said that a per­son was dead in the govern­ment buil­ding. Then I knew that this part of the ope­ra­tion was unsuccess­ful, he explains.

When asked, the sub­ject denies having expe­ri­en­ced psychiatric sym­p­toms of any qua­lity in the weeks before, or at the time of the ope­ra­tion. He is spec­i­fi­cally asked about the occur­rence or expe­ri­ence of con­scious­ness chan­ges, inclu­ding con­vul­sions and loss of con­scious­ness, and soma­tic sym­p­toms. The sub­ject denies any pre­sence of such sym­p­toms related to the days before, or at the time of ope­ra­tion on 22 July 2011.

The sub­ject him­self adds: I think I will be kil­led in pri­son wit­hin 12 mon­ths. They put right wing radi­cals like myself in Muslim-dominated pri­sons. There are examp­les of dozens kil­led and for­ced con­ver­sions in pri­sons. This hap­pens when you don’t segre­gate pri­so­ners. It will be one crusa­der against 100 jiha­dists. It is deliberate.

All Mus­lims at Ila know about it and will try to kill me soon. The sub­ject does not think the mana­ge­ment at Ila Pri­son will try to pro­tect him. He says: Mus­lims can be allies, and there are many networks of Mus­lims in pri­son. Despite his con­vic­tion that he will be stab­bed in a mat­ter of mon­ths, the sub­ject denies having feelings of fear or other emo­tions related to this. As he explains this, he appears wit­hout acti­va­tion, or visibly affected.

The con­ver­sa­tion is ended. It is agreed to con­ti­nue pur­su­ing the topic in the next con­ver­sa­tion with the experts.

Cur­rent sta­tus by both experts on 5 Sep­tem­ber 2011

The sub­ject is awake, in clear con­scious­ness, and aware of time and place and situa­tion. Intel­li­gence cli­ni­cally assessed to be in the nor­mal range. The sub­ject uses nume­ri­cal values ​​and per­cen­ta­ges to a grea­ter extent than is com­mon in regu­lar speech. He uses a tech­ni­cal, unemo­tio­nal and not very dyna­mic lan­guage in the conversation.

He uses unusual terms such as dehu­ma­niza­tion, pre­ven­tive war, poten­tial trai­tors, assas­si­na­tions, mili­tary clot­hing, era­di­cate, eli­mi­nate, and war cri­mes of the power elite. The ter­mi­no­logy used is entirely lin­ked to the subject’s notion that there is a civil war going on in the coun­try. The ter­mi­no­logy used is con­side­red to be groun­ded in para­noid delusions.

He appears emo­tio­nally shal­low, with com­p­lete emo­tio­nal dis­tance to his situa­tion, his vic­tims and to the experts. He is polite and coope­ra­tes to the best of his abi­lity. He laughs and smi­les quite often, when related to issues con­cer­ning his own indi­vi­dual sig­ni­fi­cance and/or his actions.

The sub­ject has a light gla­ring look and blinks a lot. He appears with a somewhat redu­ced facial expres­sion and a somewhat rigid body lan­guage, as he moves very little in the chair during the hours of conversation.

The sub­ject is not able to rec­og­nize or describe his own feelings. He appears thus with alex­it­hy­mia and pro­mi­nent emo­tio­nal numbing.

He has not had any thoughts about the vic­tims’ situa­tion and can not take their per­s­pec­tive when directly asked. He is con­side­red to have a severe, almost total empat­hic failure.

The sub­ject belie­ves that his motive for the exe­cutions is to reor­ga­nize the poli­ti­cal scale. He expects that his actions will lead to sym­pathy and sup­port of mil­lions of Euro­peans and that his poli­cies will be the domi­nant poli­ti­cal ori­en­ta­tion of the future. The ideas are con­side­red as gran­diose delusions.

He emp­ha­sizes that the main motive for the kil­lings was that the ope­ra­tion expres­ses my love for my people and coun­try and will con­tri­bute to get­ting rid of the evil in the coun­try. He belie­ves that he, despite the per­ce­i­ved risk for own life, sacri­ficed him­self for his people. He belie­ves that the records of his actions during this period will pro­vide guid­e­li­nes for simi­lar actions to future revo­lu­tio­na­ries. The ideas are con­side­red as gran­diose delusions.

The sub­ject says that in August 2010, he had not yet deter­mined who or which insti­tu­tions to attack and kill, but that he from this time and onwards began efforts to obtain weapons and a few mon­ths later also explo­si­ves. The sub­ject jus­ti­fies the plan­ning as follows: We have decla­red pre­emp­tive war against those who belong to cate­gory A and B. There are about 4,500 people in total.

He had dif­fe­rent plans, inclu­ding blowing up the govern­ment buil­ding, a deto­na­tion at the royal castle and kil­ling the royal family, kil­ling Blit­zers, the Dags­avi­sen news­pa­per, and at the socia­list party’s hea­dquar­ters. He also descri­bes per­sis­tent thoughts about blowing up the Labour Party’s natio­nal con­ven­tion and the Skup con­fe­rence for journalists.

From January 2011, he descri­bes per­sis­tent thoughts and plans to deto­nate the nuclear reac­tor in Hal­den and set off bombs on the Labour party’s or the socia­list party’s natio­nal con­ven­tions. He still con­side­red blowing up the royal castle. From February, he explains that it was a goal to kill as many as pos­sible in the govern­ment buil­ding, pre­fer­rably inclu­ding the prime minis­ter and a couple of other minis­ters.

The ideas about mur­ders referred to as exe­cutions are jus­ti­fied by the subject’s notion that all the afo­re­men­tio­ned in a very con­crete way repre­sent indi­vi­duals who are betray­ing Nor­way. He deci­ded to kill Gro Har­lem Brundt­land and the par­ti­ci­pants at the AUF youth sum­mer camp in June 2011. He belie­ves that Labor is a ter­ro­rist orga­niza­tion. He belie­ves he by taking the lives of these people would help to get rid of evil in the country.

The sub­ject thinks he soon will be kil­led and belie­ves that the pri­son mana­ge­ment tacitly agrees.

The ideas are con­side­red to be an all-encompassing, para­noid delu­sio­nal sys­tem, with fear for his own life and exten­sive thoughts on homicide of seve­ral thou­sand people. The sub­ject seems to have begun to act on the basis of these delu­sions during the course of 2010.

The sub­ject appears to have an unclear iden­tity feeling, as he switches between descri­bing him­self in the sin­gu­lar and plural.

The experts have occa­sio­nally had dif­fi­culty in following the sub­ject. In parts of the con­ver­sa­tion, he appears to have a mode­rate associa­tion dis­or­der and for­mal thought dis­or­der in the form of perse­ve­ra­tion. There is no lat­ency or thought block during the conversation.

The sub­ject appears com­pletely wit­hout depres­sive thoughts in the form of guilt, shame, hope­lessness, or thoughts about his own death by suicide. He denies expe­ri­en­cing sad­ness, joy­lessness, redu­ced ini­tia­tive or lack of ini­tia­tive. There is thus no evi­dence of a depressed mood.

The sub­ject does not exhi­bit increased psycho­mo­to­ri­cal tempo, or per­ce­i­ved, high mood. The subject’s speech is cohe­rent and with nor­mal syn­tax. He has no mind or voice strain. He is “affect stable”. There is no evi­dence of lack of impulse con­trol, neit­her ver­bally nor phy­si­cally. There is thus no evi­dence of a high mood.

The sub­ject appears wit­hout cli­ni­cal sus­pi­cion of being intox­i­cated. The sub­ject denies having suici­dal thoughts or plans.

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