Islamistene trår til i Kashmir

Hans Rustad

Sen­tral­re­gje­rin­gens hand­lings­lam­melse og som­mel med å hjelpe jord­skjelv­of­rene, gjør at eks­treme isla­mis­ter ser sitt snitt til å hjelpe. Disse er sterkt anti-indiske.

Befolk­nin­gen i lands­by­ene langs demar­ka­sjons­lin­jen ønsket at indiske sol­da­ter skulle få hjelpe. De står bare noen kilo­me­ter unna. De har utsty­ret som trengs, men Isla­ma­bad gir dem ikke lov. Iste­det sprer isla­mis­tene sitt hat.

As a result of the Pakis­tani government’s fai­lure to get aid to the most remote areas, Kash­mi­ris living in towns like Bagh are tur­ning for help to well-organised Isla­mic mili­tant groups, offi­ci­ally ban­ned by Pre­si­dent Mus­har­raf. In the mos­ques of Kash­mir they are tal­king of a new jihad. Pakistan-based Isla­mic mili­tants, who spent the past decade figh­ting Indian rule in the region, have announ­ced a ‘holy war’ to help vic­tims of the earthquake.

The Uni­ted Jihad Coun­cil, a loose alli­ance of pro-Pakistan mili­tant orga­ni­sa­tions, last week announ­ced a tem­po­rary truce in the areas hit by the quake but warned it wouldn’t allow Indian tro­ops to carry out relief work in their ter­ri­tory. Jamaat-ud-Dawa, with past links to Lashkar-e-Taiba - black­li­sted as a ‘ter­ro­rist orga­ni­sa­tion’ by the US - was also among the first groups to offer orga­nised aid in Bagh following last Saturday’s eart­hquake. The group’s high-profile acti­vities in recent days have ange­red the Indian mili­tary, redu­cing the alre­ady slim chance of it inter­vening in the area.

Jason Burke for­kla­rer hvor­for det er isla­mis­tene som er effek­tive: Ikke-religiøse, rene huma­ni­tære NGO’er blir ikke tole­rert av myn­dig­he­tene. De tra­kas­se­res og får ikke bygge seg opp til noe i nær­he­ten av det vi kjen­ner. Når ulyk­ken er ute, vet isla­mis­tene at det er en enesteående anled­ning til å vise befolk­nin­gen hvem som bryr seg. Regje­rin­gen gjør det ikke: den er kor­rupt og udugelig.

In 1989, when a major eart­hquake struck the Tipasa region in Alge­ria, the offi­cial response was pat­he­tic. In Egypt, three years later, the poorer dist­ricts of Cairo itself did not see a govern­ment offi­cial for days after a tre­mor kil­led hund­reds. In Tur­key, too, the civi­lian govern­ment and the power­ful mili­tary fai­led lamen­tably after a tre­mor in 1999 kil­led nearly 20,000 and left 50,000 homeless.

How­e­ver, in each case there was one set of orga­ni­sa­tions that pro­vi­ded help swiftly and effec­tively: the Isla­mic reli­gious groups. So it should be no sur­prise that in Pakis­tan it was acti­vists like those of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, an ultra-hardline group with past links to a ban­ned mili­tant group, who took up the slack.

But why? First, sta­tes such as Alge­ria, Egypt, Pakis­tan and, until recently, Tur­key har­ass and obstruct secu­lar, often libe­ral, NGOs, lea­ving the way clear for the reli­gious networks. In addition, these networks are dedi­cated and uncor­rupt, while govern­ment bodies are ridd­led with cor­rup­tion, lazi­ness and incom­pet­ence. The reli­gious groups are orga­nised and disci­plined, with con­si­de­rable funds from mos­que and pri­vate col­lections at home and abroad

Nor is relief work any­thing new for the reli­gious groups. The Front Isla­mi­que du Salut (FIS) in Alge­ria, the Mus­lim Brot­her­hood in Egypt and the Pakis­tani groups, of which Jamaat-ud-Dawa is only one, all see the pro­vi­sion of basic social needs for a popu­la­tion that has been fai­led by the state as the bed­rock of their stra­tegy. So, inci­den­tally, do Hamas in the Gaza Strip and Hiz­bol­lah in Lebanon.

Anger in Kash­mir as death toll rises
With doc­tors and aid agen­cies stret­ched, to the limit vil­la­gers are out­ra­ged by govern­ment delays and a new stand-off with India, reports Dan McDou­gall in Uri

Why Mus­har­raf had to eat hum­ble pie

Isla­mic reli­gious groups will quickly take advan­tage of govern­ment short­comings, warns Jason Burke


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